Tuesday, September 21, 2010

Nationalist Cancer

Among the many ills that may befall mankind, disease is undoubtedly the most prevalent. In our day and age, the multi-tentacled and indiscriminate assailant that we know as "cancer" is ever present in our consciousness and is universally dreaded because of its aggressiveness and persistence. Cancer manifests itself in many forms, but the characteristic that defines it in general terms is its abnormality and malignancy. In fact, the term cancer has through general usage become a sort of generic metaphor for all things abnormal and malignant—not necessarily within a living organism, but even extending to ideas and ideology.

History records many examples of cancerous ideology and its devastating impact. One might include phenomena like the Spanish Inquisition, Bolshevism and the National Socialist movements of the 20th century among ideological cancers that have beset mankind. These ideologies did not share any political perspective but they did have in common a cult-like fanaticism. I refer the reader to George Orwell's views on this point. Today, we see a similar phenomenon emerging—at least in a philosophical sense—among a new breed of nationalists. The Cultural Property Nationalist has not yet matched the depths of historical forerunners, but the malignancy and aggressiveness found among its adherents is very troubling. The main premise of this group is that the modern geo-political state should control not only expressions of culture within their sovereignty, but all of the tangible elements of the land's cultural history—even when it has no demonstrable link to the present.

Like the nationalist movements of earlier ages, Cultural Property Nationalism relies on government oppression to achieve its aim of domination and control. Consequently, a process of infiltration and manipulation lies at the heart of its agenda. This oppression, as historically has been the case, is masterfully couched in egalitarian terms—even though the objectives are anything but. It is often accompanied by historical revisionism. The actions of nationalist government, when they inevitably run counter to the will and interests of the majority, are typically defended by a non-government group that is perceived as trustworthy and benevolent. These surrogates are often brought into the nationalist fold as "stewards" of the associated tangible property. The nationalist's surrogate is not always in concert ideologically with the primary advocate, but internal pressures and intimidation create a barrier to public opposition and thereby cast an impression of unanimity. After a time, the rhetoric and polarization becomes so intense that the surrogate becomes, by default, part of the "us and them" scenario. At that point, the malignancy spreads to a new potential surrogate either horizontally or vertically.

The success of nationalist ideologies has always relied on a pyramid of effort. No single action in the long stream of evolution is significant enough to cause massive reaction. Sporadic or isolated opposition is marginalized through a wave of focussed personal assaults that generally wear down the will of any individual to resist. In the end, within a nationalist regime, it is nearly impossible to evaluate or understand how the prevailing environment evolved. Cultural Property Nationalism is no different in that sense than any other form of nationalism. The proponents of this view have, with great skill and cunning, chipped away at age-old private property rights and have graduated from a subtle ideology to a controlling force. The process that has worked throughout time is working for Cultural Property Nationalists today.

The cases of nationalist excess that history preserves for us have all been reversed by a cataclysmic event. While the domination of nationalism comes slowly and insidiously, it is typically expunged in rapid fashion when the masses refuse to accept it. Cultural Property Nationalism is doomed to the same fate since culture is, always was, and always will be a personal and individual aspect of the human experience. We each create our own cultural frame through the merging of our interests, our beliefs, our associations, our backgrounds, our heritage and our feelings of belonging. Unopposed, cultural nationalism would strip that frame from the individual and replace it with the party line.

That, in my view, is an unacceptable situation and worth opposing.